8. Traditional Society

Traditional Society:

During the time of Bonfara, the Bam region was primarily an agricultural area. The alluring environment of the region's vast arable land enticed and attracted farmer households. Seeing the lush paddy fields, farmer families from various parts of the valley braved the harsh environment of the forests and settled in the clearings, transforming the uninhabited, dense, and secluded places into bustling communities. Along with this, they maintained their distinctiveness through social, cultural, and religious characteristics.

The main source of livelihood here was rice cultivation. The farmer's joy came from seeing the vibrant, beautiful, and captivating sight of their crops, and from the successful harvest of their produce. The farmers of Bam received the benevolent support of nature. The crops in the fields inspired the farmers, and they cultivated with double enthusiasm.

The main crop was rice. There were two types of rice cultivation—Aush or early rice and Shail or winter rice. Aush rice cultivation began from Chaitra-Baishakh (March-May). The harvest took place in Shravan-Bhadra (July-September). Shail rice cultivation began in Ashar-Shravan (June-August). The harvest time was in Agrahayan-Poush (November-January). The month of Bhadra (August-September) was the most important time of the entire agricultural season for the farmer households. The last season for Shail rice cultivation extended until the first half of Bhadra. Bhadra was also the final time for harvesting the Aush crop.

Therefore, Bhadra was the most important and busiest time for the agricultural activities of the farmer households. To illustrate the extreme busyness of the farmers in Bhadra, a proverb was created:

“In the month of Bhadra, even if the mother dies,

The field work is done with a winnowing fan.”

That is, even if the mother dies in the month of Bhadra, the funeral rites are postponed, and efforts are made to finish the field work.

Another way for farmer households to earn money annually was through raising livestock and poultry. Among the animals, the main asset was cattle. Cows for plowing, cows for milk, and cows for selling to save money or to overcome difficulties. To explain the importance of cows to the households, a proverb was created—"He who has no cow is neglected in this world." Cows and buffaloes were the yardstick for assessing the capabilities of the farming households in the area. Goat rearing was another way for households to earn extra income.

Amidst the tasks of cultivating, harvesting, and tending to crops, there was also a tradition of cultural pursuits. To alleviate the fatigue of a labor-intensive life and to rejuvenate the mind, gatherings were held in the courtyards of some households where people would read Puthis (manuscripts). The reading of narrative poems based on religious stories, such as Hallatun Nabi, Yusuf Zulekha, Jangnama, Jang-e-Khaybar, Jang-e-Hashar, Nizam Paglar Kichcha, etc., which were medieval socio-cultural literary works, served as a source of entertainment. Playing recorded songs on a gramophone was also a major source of entertainment.

 

The months of Ashvin and Kartik were a period of respite from work for the farmers. During this time, connoisseurs of music would organize Gatta songs (Tarja songs). In some households, rehearsals of Gazi songs would take place; elsewhere, gatherings for Marifati songs and Baul songs were held. The all-night programs captivated the audience. Kabi Gaan (poetic songs) were also prevalent. Kabi Gaan was a popular form of Bengali poetry composed by village poets, who described newsworthy and sensational events of Cachar, such as devastating fires, daring robberies, or love-related murders, through "Kabi Gaan." These poets would come to Bhagabazar and Dhalai Bazar to sell their "Kabi Gaan." Initially, poets like Alauddin and the blind Saiful Mia were particularly famous for their Kabi Gaan. They would sing Kabi Gaan accompanied by an ektara (a one-stringed instrument) and sell their compositions. Villagers would buy these four or five-page Kabi Gaan for two annas and sing them aloud in their leisure time.

After the harvest of the Aush crop, it was a common custom in rural households to send baskets full of Pitha (rice cakes), Chira (flattened rice), fruits, and other food items to sisters and daughters as a token of paternal affection. During the Agrahayan-Poush months, in the Shail harvest season, the farmer households would breathe a sigh of relief after sending delicious Chunga Pitha in neatly wrapped packages to their married sisters and daughters as a special part of the festive meals. How can one forget the tempting memory of Chunga Pitha!

As part of discussions on maintaining social order and the necessity of religious practice in spiritual contemplation, 'Waz Mahfils' were organized in various places in the area during the dry winter season, especially during the leisure time of the Magh-Falgun months. Religious kirtans and various social events also took place in non-Muslim villages. This too was a special aspect of cultural practice.

Economic Life: Life in Bam was very simple and straightforward. Despite the fertile land, production was comparatively low due to the use of traditional, old varieties of rice seeds. Farming in Bam was done using old methods. After independence, from the mid-1950s, the government's efforts to introduce improved farming methods in Bam became visible. Through demonstration plots, the government began introducing various types of high-yielding seeds and fertilizer application methods. New types of small agricultural tools and machinery were distributed among progressive farmers. An agricultural demonstrator was appointed in Bhagabazar who advised farmers on increasing yields and distributed seeds and fertilizers. At the same time, a veterinary health center was opened in Bhagabazar and a veterinary field assistant was appointed. The government also initiated efforts in silk production, for which a silk demonstrator encouraged farmers to take up sericulture. These were the first steps of the independent Indian government's development efforts towards modernization in Bam.

The role of money in Bam's economy was minimal. Although it cannot be exactly called a barter economy, people met their needs...

 

People produced almost everything they needed, but they required some money to buy essential items like salt, matchboxes, and kerosene oil. The need for money for education, transportation, and healthcare was almost negligible. They used minimal clothing. They walked barefoot.

People earned cash by selling surplus paddy, betel nuts, bananas, eggs, poultry, fruits, and vegetables grown for family consumption. Many small and marginal farmers, mainly from the Scheduled Castes, could earn some money by selling handmade bamboo products. These bamboo crafts included items for daily use by a farmer's family, such as bamboo mats for drying paddy, locally called 'dam'; tall bamboo containers for storing paddy, locally called 'jungi'; bamboo baskets called 'tukri' for storing and carrying paddy; various types of fishing traps or equipment locally known as 'dori, runga, ochu, paran, polo, khalai, chepa'; and bamboo hand fans for relief during summer.

The villagers also made various items from 'murta' for daily use. These were mats for sitting and sleeping on the ground or for prayer, called 'chati' and 'pati'. There was a great demand for small-sized 'chati' or 'pati' because every Muslim family needed two or three 'chati' or 'pati' for praying five times a day. Farmer families could earn some cash by selling these products. Currently, due to competition from plastic products, the market for these handicrafts has almost disappeared, and now not many artisans remain.

The Manipuri community of Bam had a distinct skill. Manipuri women made 'muri' (puffed rice) and 'chira' (flattened rice) and sold them in the weekly market. They also knew how to weave a daily-use cloth called 'Manipuri gamcha', which was in demand in the market. This brought money to the family for weekly shopping. In the early 1950s, the monthly salary of a primary school teacher was 30 taka, and the price of one seer (2 kg) of rice was eight annas, or fifty paisa in today's currency.

However, arranging money in any emergency situation was difficult. There were no bank loan facilities. People had to depend on village moneylenders for loans. There were also Kabuli moneylenders. In some villages, there were also agricultural cooperative societies for agricultural loans. A common method of obtaining a loan during emergencies was to lease out agricultural land. But once caught in the debt trap, it was difficult to get out of it. Often, people lost their land and houses.

Traditional Healthcare: Although minimal government healthcare services were available in the early stages of Bam, people still relied on traditional medical practices for treating illnesses. This was a rich blend of Ayurvedic remedies, spiritual practices, and folk beliefs. At this time, the traditional medical system of Bam was deeply rooted in the cultural and spiritual practices of the region. People relied on various types of healers and healing methods, reflecting a rich mixture of indigenous knowledge, religious influences, and folk traditions.

The following traditional medical practices were prevalent in the early Bam region:

Kaviraj: In Bam, Kavirajs treated people with traditional medicinal plants and herbs. They used local plants and herbs to cure various diseases. Common people were also skilled in using local plants and herbs to treat common ailments.

Mullah: Although Mullahs are generally associated with Islamic religious practices, in the diverse cultural environment of Bam, they contributed to the treatment of their followers regardless of caste and religion. Mullahs provided 'amulets' and gave 'blessings' and 'holy water' by reciting verses from religious scriptures for protection and healing. Generally, women would go to Mullahs to maintain peace in the family and to get relief from marital disputes.

Quack Doctors: In rural areas like Bam, quack doctors often treated people claiming to cure various diseases without formal medical training. Their treatment and their role in society were determined by local beliefs.

Treatment of patients afflicted by ghosts and spirits:

Belief in ghosts, spirits, and supernatural beings was prevalent among the people. When no rational cause for an illness could be determined, it was assumed that the patient was possessed by ghosts and evil spirits. The patient was said to be "possessed by a ghost." Exorcists treated these possessed patients to drive away the ghosts. These exorcists performed rituals, incantations, and other ceremonial acts to expel the ghosts and spirits.

Astrologers and Diviners: Astrology was an integral part of the traditional medicine of the Barak Valley. Astrologers provided solutions to health problems by interpreting astrological signs and planetary positions. They offered treatment and preventive advice based on their understanding of celestial influences. Many also practiced palmistry to make predictions. Telichara Maibi, known as a Kaviraj (traditional healer) and diviner, was so well-known that a place on the Silchar-Aizawl road in front of her house was known as 'Maibi Station'. People from various parts of the Barak Valley would ask the bus driver to drop them off at Maibi Station.

Traditional Healers: In the early days of Bam, traditional healers treated snake bites. They would recite from local epics and folk tales, such as the Behula-Lakhindar narrative, to exorcise the poison. The underlying belief was that reciting religious texts could counteract the effects of the poison and provide protection. There were even Muslim healers. In the 1940s, there was a popular healer named Wahab Ali Lasker in Rajghat who treated snake bites. He would sit on a mat in the open courtyard, circling the snakebite victim while reciting verses from the Behula-Lakhindar narrative in a melodic tone. Occasionally, he would strike the victim with a towel from his shoulder, commanding, "O poison, descend quickly!" Villagers would sit around and watch.

Homeopathy:

Alongside traditional medicine, some self-taught homeopaths in Bam provided low-cost treatment options. These homeopaths would procure homeopathic medicines from Silchar. In some cases, it was provided free of charge.

Village Midwives: In the early days of Bam, childbirth in a hospital was unimaginable. Childbirth was a private and family affair, and privacy was maintained. Therefore, the role of village midwives was crucial in the traditional birthing process in Bam. These experienced women were meticulous in providing care during childbirth and assisting in motherhood. They were deeply knowledgeable about the use of herbal remedies to ease labor and assist in delivery.

The village midwives were also responsible for helping the new mother in postpartum recovery. They provided advice on nutritious food, rest, and hygiene, and also played a role in the initial care of the newborn, ensuring the well-being of both mother and child. This was an honorable service provided without any remuneration.

Marriage System:

Marriage is an essential part of the Indian social system, and the Bam region was no exception. Marriages were generally held in this region during the winter and spring seasons. At that time, since the harvest was complete, the granaries of the households were full of rice, and the possibility of storms and heavy rain was low, this period was chosen as the most suitable time for marriage.

Back then, childhood was considered the appropriate age for marriage. It was desirable to marry off girls before they reached puberty. Giving away a daughter at the appropriate time was called "Gauri Dan" (giving away the goddess). However, more importance was given to rules and rituals than to pomp and grandeur. The "Abhyudik" or obtaining the permission and blessings of the ancestors through the chanting of mantras by a priest was mandatory.

In the Bam region, guardians and relatives would make the final decision about the marriage after careful consideration and discussion. Matching horoscopes and knowing the family background were considered essential. Generally, the bride and groom did not know or see each other. They would only see each other for the first time during the "Shubho Drishti" (auspicious gaze) ceremony at the wedding.

Despite the prevalence of the dowry system in various other places at that time, this evil practice did not exist in the Bam region. The groom's side would give some money to the bride's side for wedding expenses; this was called 'Kanya Pan' (bride price). At the time of giving away the daughter, the father of the bride would voluntarily donate some necessary items. There was no demand or obligation involved.

Due to the underdeveloped transportation system, there was no use of carriages or horses. The groom's party, along with all the guests, would set off on foot. A musical band would accompany them. Hearing the sound of the music, crowds would gather on both sides of the road to see the groom wearing his ceremonial headgear. The next day, after the 'Basi Biye' (post-wedding ceremony) at the bride's house, the groom would return home with his new bride along the same path, on foot. The women of the houses along the way would then make ululation sounds and shower rice and grass on the bride and groom. There was no question of relatives or strangers, acquaintances or unknown people. The underlying purpose was to wish the newly married couple well and offer them blessings. This heartfelt ritual, though simple, was a shining example of generosity and universal benevolence that is unimaginable today. After the marriage was finalized, there was a long program of events, starting from the auspicious rituals to the return journey of the bride and groom. There was no nuisance of loudspeakers. But the women kept the wedding house lively with ululation and a flood of songs. From the initial rituals to the offering of betel leaves, the pre-wedding ceremonies, fetching water, bathing and dressing the bride and groom, the groom's procession, welcoming the groom, the seven circumambulations, the giving away of the bride, welcoming the bride – for each of these ceremonies, and even for the ritual bath at the riverbank and the reception, specific songs were sung, which still preserve the traditions of the village. And the participation of the village women in each of these ceremonies transformed a wedding into a grand social event. Nowadays, the excessive use of loudspeakers, the tendency to play songs of varying tastes, and the tyranny of noise pollution are silencing those traditional female voices, which is not at all pleasant.

The main attraction of the wedding was the "bower" decorated with eight banana trees (representing the eight companions of the bride) at the bride's house. There was no electricity, so the dazzling light decorations of electric lights were also absent. But with heartfelt enthusiasm, the village boys (not hired decorators) decorated the bower with colored paper, colored powder, various colored flowers, flower garlands, and paper garlands. Branches of flowering plants and various ornamental foliage also found a place in this bower. The flowers, leaves, and colored papers glittered in the light of the petromax lamps. Naturally, the children, overwhelmed with joy, danced around like butterflies, hovering around the bower. The elders also gathered to witness ceremonies like the seven circumambulations, the exchange of garlands, and the auspicious first glance. And the wedding house resonated with repeated cheers of joy.

The wedding feast was almost universal and impressive. Everyone in the village was invited. Relatives and kinsfolk all sat together for the communal meal. Although sal leaves were used in some places, banana leaves were primarily used. The communal meal became even more enjoyable thanks to the various jokes and rhymes recited by witty individuals.

The bride and groom, bound together in marriage through various auspicious ceremonies and the chanting of mantras by the priest, were believed to be united for seven lifetimes.

 

This marriage custom, enriched by everyone's good wishes, blessings, and affectionate gifts, symbolized the culture of the Bama region and the couple's journey into a new life. It was an extraordinary document of the people of this region's unwavering desire and values ​​to maintain mutual trust, respect, solidarity, love, and a sense of community living.

 

Muslim Weddings:

 

Muslim weddings in Bama present a unique cultural blend of regional traditions and Islamic principles. Here is a brief overview of the wedding ceremonies from the early days of Bama:

Rituals and Principles:

Compared to Hindu weddings, Muslim weddings in Bama have somewhat fewer rituals. Although there are some similarities between the weddings of the Bengali Hindu and Muslim communities in Bama, such as child marriage, arrangements made by guardians, community feasts, and wedding processions, the main difference lies in the method of marriage. Hindu marriage is considered a religious sacrament, while Muslim marriage is viewed as a contract. This contract-based approach influences various customs of Muslim weddings in Bama.

Sallishi - The Marriage Arrangement Process:

The arrangement of Muslim marriages in Bama involved a mediator called a "Ruthi," who facilitated communication between the families of the bride and groom. Once both parties agreed to the marriage proposal, a formal meeting called a "Sallishi" was held at the bride's house. In this meeting, the guardians discussed important aspects of the marriage, such as the "Mahr" (the bride's financial security money), the wedding date, and other details. Mahr is a key element of the discussion, ensuring the bride's financial security and guaranteeing respect and responsibility. Invitation - The Panbata Tradition:

Once the wedding date was set, invitations were traditionally distributed through a custom known as "Panbata." This involved beautifully wrapping betel nuts and betel leaves in paper. The number of betel leaves in the Panbata indicated the status and importance of the invited person – the more leaves, the more important the guest was considered (6 leaves/8 leaves/12 leaves/16 leaves).

The entire village could be invited by sending a single Panbata to the mosque during Friday prayers. Written invitation letters began to become common from the mid-1950s. However, inviting close relatives with a letter was still considered insulting. There was a specific invitation letter, pink in color, the size of a post office letter, with a crescent moon and star at the top, and the content always remained the same. The parents would only provide the names of the bride and groom and the wedding date, and the printing press would print the rest in the same format. The invitation letter was roughly like this:

“In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful,

Amma Ba'd, We praise Him and send blessings upon His noble Messenger,

Assalamu Alaikum

By the grace of God, the marriage of my son/daughter ----- with the son/daughter of so-and-so from such-and-such village, has been fixed for (Arabic lunar month and date) corresponding to (Bengali month and date).

Therefore, we request that you grace us with your presence on that day with your family, partake of the modest feast, and bless the bride and groom with your prayers.

Please forgive any shortcomings in this invitation by letter.

Sincerely,

Petitioner

Father's Name-----------

Date……”

It is noteworthy that the invitation letter included the date but no mention of the time. The wedding feast usually meant a midday meal. The feast was a way of feeding people while seeking Allah's mercy and blessings.

The Nikah Ceremony:

After the groom arrived at the bride's house, the Nikah or marriage ceremony was conducted. In this ceremony, the marriage (Nikah) was completed through the proposal (Ijab) and acceptance (Qabul). The ceremony was conducted in the presence of three witnesses, and after reciting verses from the Holy Quran, prayers were offered for the couple. After the Nikah, the ceremony concluded with a feast and the "Kanya Bidai" (departure of the bride), which is different from the Hindu "Kanyadaan." The bride usually did not walk to the palanquin (doli) herself; instead, she was carried and placed into it. Often, the bride would leave her paternal home weeping profusely. Upon reaching the groom's house, she would again be carried from the palanquin into the house.

Kabin Nama: Marriage Contract:

The terms and conditions of the marriage were documented in a contract known as the "Kabin Nama." This document provided a specific outline of the marriage agreement and ensured clarity and mutual understanding between the families involved. The Kabin Nama was registered by the Kazi (religious judge).

Gate-Holding: Reception of the Groom's Party:

A notable aspect of the reception was the "gate-holding" by the bride's younger relatives and friends. After the elders of the groom's party were welcomed with courtesy and greetings, the younger ones would block the entrance of the groom and his friends at the gate and demand a hefty sum of money as a tip. This often led to intense bargaining and sometimes minor squabbles. It was a test of nerves and wit, where the groom would eventually pay to gain entry through negotiation. Occasionally, the groom and his friends might try to outwit the bride's side.

Phira Jatra: Phira Khawa

Phira Khawa (Phira Jatra or the return visit) was an important social custom in Muslim marriages of Bam. Two to three days after the wedding, the bride would return to her father's house for "Naior" (a visit to her parental home). Two days later, the groom, along with his friends and younger relatives, would come to the bride's house for a feast. The number of guests the groom could bring depended on the number of 'pan khillis' (betel leaf packets) given in the invitation 'pan bata' (betel leaf tray). The groom could bring as many guests as there were pan khillis in the pan bata. It was customary for the bride's family to gift lungis (a type of sarong) to the groom and his close friends and relatives. After the feast, the groom would take the bride back with him, and they would begin their new life together.

In summary, Muslim marriages in Bam blended traditional customs with Islamic guidelines, emphasizing the contractual nature of the union while respecting cultural norms. Although Islamic law permits a Muslim man to have multiple wives, this practice was rare among the Muslims of Bam.